There were many, and it's hard to say which are the worst. The IGAME (Inspecteur général en mission extraordinaire) of both Oran and Algiers chose to avoid the issue, whereas the IGAME of Constantinois, Maurice Papon (who died in 2007 after having been convicted for crimes against humanity for his role under Vichy), was actively involved in repression (Branche, 2004). However, the Court of Cassation rejected the complaint which had been deposed against him on charges of torture, claiming they were amnestied. [4][53] However, since General Massu's revelations, Bigeard has now admitted the use of torture, although he denies having personally used it. According to this Wikipedia article Algérie française, colonel (later general) d’Aubignosc was the first chief of the Algerian administration in 1830. by Commander H. Canuel. [42], Two days after the visit to France of Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika, Louisette Ighilahriz, a former Armée de Libération Nationale activist, published her testimony in Le Monde on 20 June 2000. Calcada, Miquel. (Branche, 2004). PARIS, Nov 26 2001 (IPS) - In a landmark case a French military court has acknowledged human rights violations committed by France during the Algerian war of independence in the 1950s and early 1960s. These victims were known as "Bigeard's shrimps" ("crevettes Bigeard") after the surname of a notorious paratroop helicopter commander. [9][10], "Whatever the case", continued Tocqueville, "we may say in a general manner that all political freedoms must be suspended in Algeria. One additional factor was fighting within the FLN. It brought down six French governments, led to the collapse of the Fourth Republic, returned de Gaulle to power, and came close to provoking a civil war on French soil. [37] Conversely, informers reported an organized campaign to implicate the FPA such that FLN "leaders and carefully chosen militants from the workers' residence in Vitry - 45, rue Rondenay - have been tasked with declaring in cafés and public places that they have suffered exactions, were robbed of pocketbooks or watches[...], and were victims of violence by the 'Algerian police'. Pierre Vidal-Naquet, a French historian, confessed that there were "hundreds of thousands of instances of torture" by the French military in Algeria. A momentous turn towards Algerian independence came in 1961, but it was accompanied by a new spike in violence against civilians. Nabila Ramdani is a French-Algerian journalist and commentator who specializes in French politics and the Arab world. A colonel in the French police force had told the delegates, "The struggle against terrorism makes it necessary to resort to certain questioning techniques as the only way of saving human life and avoiding new attacks." Directed by Marshall Bugeaud, who became the first Governor-General of Algeria, the conquest of Algeria was marked by a "scorched earth" policy and the use of torture, which were legitimized by a racist ideology. Just as Algeria and France are undertaking a joint effort to preserve the historical legacy of the Algerian War, a recently released book reveals details about the clandestine operations carried out by French intelligence services. Politics and Power in the Maghreb: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco From independence to the Arab Spring. It's both true and false to say that Algeria is to France as Vietnam is to the United States. He notably declared: I have given daily accounts of my activity to my direct superior, General Massu, who informed the Chief of Staff. [7], On 5 January 1960 the newspaper Le Monde published a summary of the report on the ICRC's seventh mission to Algeria. General Salan refused to apply the Geneva Conventions ratified by France in 1951 because the detainees were not POW's. Non-Discrimination | The archives of the war were closed to the public for thirty years, a period extendable for up to 60 years for those documents that were liable to compromise a person's privacy or state security. a war to submit a people to one's will, one can issue all the laws one wants, but they will always be violated."[31]. Emanuel Macron, the first French president born after the Algerian War (1954-1962), caused controversy during his election campaign when he declared in February 2017 that France’s colonization of Algeria was a crime against humanity, true brutality and “part of the history that we must face by apologizing to those against whom we have committed such practices”. More than one million French, Italian, and Spanish nationals were settled there by 1959 and comprised 10 percent of the general population. The civilian authorities relinquished control to the military during the Battle of Algiers from January to October 1957. An important issue within metropolitan France was public opinion, given that a substantial native population held a formally anticolonialist ideology (Communists, in particular) or was debating the war. While incompletely evidenced, the strongest presumption of torture by the FPA pertains to two locations in the 13th arrondissement. No one was brought to justice for crimes committed during the war, not even for the case of Maurice Audin, a young communist university lecturer arrested and tortured to death. The subsequent French retaliation was overwhelming: a conservative estimate places the dead at 15,000 Muslims.[ii]. French soldiers responded by shooting, several demonstrators were killed. We cite both domestic and international forces of moderation impacting the perpetrators’ decision, and code the ending as impacted by the withdrawal of French troops. John McGuffin's book "Beating the Terrorists" (Penguin) also alleges that French advisors were seen at Fort Morbut in Aden during the independence war. Thus, the military did not consider themselves tied by the Geneva Conventions, ratified by France in 1951. [citation needed] Besides prohibiting the use of torture, the Geneva Conventions gave the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) access to the detainees. Stephen J. Fallon. Thus, General Jacques Massu, commander of the 10th Parachute Division (10e DP), in charge during the Battle of Algiers, was to crush the insurgency by whatever means necessary. Between interrogation sessions, the suspects are imprisoned without food in cells, some of which were small enough to impede lying down. ", Branche, Raphaëlle. Tr. [i] Describing groups involved in the Algerian Revolution can be tricky. This paper will show that the French government’s weak commitment to maintaining the rule of law and her tradition of civil liberties cost her public support when the war began to impose on Metropolitan France. The FLN continued to target the French military, but as the conflict wore on, it also increasingly launched retributive attacks against civilians. In 1995, Le Pen unsuccessfully sued Jean Dufour, regional counselor of the Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur (French Communist Party) for the same reason. As the example of French extremists and harki demonstrate, not all violence occurred across the schism of French and Algerian. In 1957, the FLN altered its strategy, moving into Algiers, where it could better hide among civilians while exacting higher costs for the French. The civil authorities had different attitudes concerning the use of torture by the military. The other was General de Bollardière, who was the only army official to denounce the use of torture. Martin Evans (2012) provides an overview of the sources and debates over the numbers of people who died as a result of the conflict. This book does not whitewash the atrocities committed by both sides; rather it focuses on the conflict itself, a perspective assisted by the French republic's official admission in 1999 that what happened in Algeria was indeed a war. I will give you a very honest answer, just hope it can explain why Algeria won independence. Exceptional circumstances call for exceptional measures. ), "La torture, l'armée et la République" in, "Faire l'histoire de la violence d'État" in, "La torture pendant la guerre d'Algérie : un crime contre l'humanité ?" During the 1954-62 war, which claimed 1.5 million Algerian lives, French forces brutally cracked down on independence fighters in the then colony, which was ruled by Paris for 130 years. Most controversial are the numbers of civilians killed. [25], Henri Alleg, director of the Alger Républicain newspaper and of the Algerian Communist Party (PCA), who himself had been tortured, denounced it in La Question (Minuit, 1958), which sold 60,000 copies in one day. Beside Vidal-Naquet, famous signatories of the Manifeste des 121, published after the 1960 Barricades Week, included Robert Antelme, an Auschwitz survivor and writer, writers Simone de Beauvoir and Maurice Blanchot, Pierre Boulez, writer André Breton, Hubert Damisch, writer Marguerite Duras, Daniel Guérin, Robert Jaulin, Claude Lanzmann, Robert Lapoujade, Henri Lefebvre, writer Michel Leiris, Jérôme Lindon, editor of the Minuit publishing house, François Maspero, another editor, Théodore Monod, Maurice Nadeau, Jean-François Revel, Alain Robbe-Grillet, author and founder of the nouveau roman, writers Françoise Sagan, Nathalie Sarraute, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Claude Simon, Jean Bruller (Vercors), Jean-Pierre Vernant, Frantz Fanon, etc. For decades, French officials talked of “les événements” – events – in Algeria, not “war”, which, like Northern Ireland’s “troubles”, cloaked savagery in euphemism. Branche, Raphaëlle. 2014. Some protesters may have been tortured before being killed and having their bodies thrown in the Seine.[36]. Pierre Vidal-Naquet, among others, has qualified it as a "shame".[41]. », French: "En réalité, le fond du problème était cette guerre injuste elle-même. General Marcel Bigeard, who had denied employing torture for forty years, finally also admitted that it had been used, although he claimed that he personally had not engaged in the practice. [33] While estimates differ, the number of dead officially acknowledged (in French government reports and statements of 1998) in putting down this demonstration was 40 to 48. He also notes that many soldiers were from Senegal and other sub-Saharan French colonies. The French government characterized the FLN as criminals rather than as political activists, and sent ever more troops into Algeria to restore “order.” One of the most appalling aspects of the Algerian War was how traditional working-class organizations abandoned any pretense to internationalism. From 1954 to 1956, the amount of violence massively increased, accompanied by summary executions and internment in camps. Terms for Creating and Maintaining Sites, Documenting declines in civilian fatalities, http://www.ladepeche.fr/article/2012/03/10/1308713-pieds-noirs-ceux-qui-ont-choisi-de-rester.html, http://courses.wcupa.edu/jones/his311/lectures/4cases.htm. [13], Other historians also show that torture was fully a part of the colonialist system: "Torture in Algeria was engraved in the colonial act, it is the "normal" illustration of an abnormal system", wrote Nicolas Bancel, Pascal Blanchard, and Sandrine Lemaire, who have published decisive work on the phenomena of "human zoos. French Failure in Algeria: A Public Relations Disaster. "[38] A note diffused by the French arm of the FLN to its branches in September 1959 specifically focused on making claims of torture to influence the legal system: For those of our brothers who will be arrested, it is important to specify what attitude they must adopt. He had under his charge only civil justice, and Reliquet (the public prosecutor in Algiers and who was a liberal [i.e. “Pieds-noirs”: ceux qui ont choisi de rester. This trajectory silenced the voices on both sides that called for moderation, and the Algerian War of Independence (1954-1962) was thus characterized by FLN terrorism and French brutality. But May 1945 was different. Historians commonly used the term “Muslim” to speak of the vast majority of the Algerian population who were against French rule, hence we have used it as well. [46][47], However, historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet said, concerning Mitterrand, who was President of France from 1981 to 1995, that "when he was Justice Minister in 1956–57, during the Algerian War, he has been not as bad as had been claimed. French Failure in Algeria: A Public Relations Disaster. France first occupied Algeria in 1830 and considered it to be an integral component of the French metropolitan state. French film breaks silence on war atrocities in Algeria / VIDEO. People affiliated with the French rule in Algeria who stayed after the French left suffered retributive violence. The Armed Islamic Group claimed responsibility for many of them, while for others no group has claimed responsibility. In that case, regardless of the correctness of this allegation or the mission of these advisors, their role was minute relative to that of the British forces trying to ensure a peaceful transfer of power during Aden Emergency. The scale of French retaliations instilled fear and anger among the Algerian population and vengeance among the pied noirs. It is under Galtieri's regime that the use of torture became systematic in Argentina; other countries where SOA graduates were accused of involvement in torture or political murders include Guatemala, El Salvador, Colombia, Panama and Haiti. Despite the FLN’s extreme military weakness—France had defeated it in almost every battle—it had significant leverage because France’s now-infamous brutality in the conflict had alienated its domestic citizens as well as the international community. As early as 2 November 1954, Catholic writer François Mauriac called against the use of torture in L'Express in an article titled Surtout, ne pas torturer ("Above all, do not torture."). Many massacres were committed during the Algerian Civil War that began in 1991. The scale of French retaliations instilled fear and anger among the Algerian population and vengeance among the pied noirs. "Numerous cases of ill-treatment and torture are still being reported", the article disclosed, giving the ICRC's legitimacy to the many previously documented cases. A Savage War of Peace. ... the Algerian War. "[11] Historian Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison thus wrote that "From the years 1840 to the 1962 independence, the physical body of the "Arab" has therefore been used as a terror instrument on which the colonial power has never ceased engraving the marks of its almighty power. [iii] Algerians who joined the FLN late once the tide had turned, used violence as a way to prove themselves and to claim materials rewards (through looting, for instance). For more than a year irrefutable new evidence of war crimes committed by French forces during the Algerian war of independence has been surfacing in French newspapers and in memoirs by senior French generals. Pierre Vidal-Naquet (1930–2006), one of the leaders of the Comité Audin, had denounced the systematic use of torture by the 10e DP during the 1957 Battle of Algiers. Prior to World War II the Party of the Algerian People (Parti du Peuple Algérien) had been founded by Messali Hadj. The struggle against the OAS must be directed with ruthlessness, certainly, but it is not with teams of torturers, and even less with courts-martials that we will arrest what J.-M. Domenach called a "clandestine fascism." [1] The FLN engaged in the use of torture against pro-French and uncommitted members of the Algerian population in retaliation for the French's use of torture.[2]. This way of waging war seems to me as stupid as it is cruel. > l'officier-interprète colonel d'Aubignosc. Willis, Michael J. Bigeard also recognized that Larbi Ben M’Hidi had been assassinated, and his death disguised as a "suicide".[23]. Since the corpses sometimes came back up to the surface, they began to pour concrete on their feet. The systematic use of torture created a national controversy which has had lasting effects on French and Algerian society. "The Algerians fought on the side of France against Hitler's Germany and in January 1945, when victory was close, the Algerians went out to the streets to celebrate the independence, but the French Armed Forces opened fire at the demonstrators. Torture was occasionally used alongside beatings and killings to eliminate opponents of the FLN, and the death toll of this internecine violence within France alone was approximately 4,000. At the time, Horne could not confirm or deny that torture had been ordered by the highest ranks of the military and civilian hierarchy of the French state. [33] Subsequently, the FLN used this organization to obtain a "revolutionary tax" that FLN leader Ali Haroun estimates amounted to "80% of the [financial] resources of the rebellion"; this was partly done through extortion, in some instances by means of beatings and torture. "[49][50] To the contrary, General Jacques Massu denounced it, following Aussaresses' revelations, and before his death pronounced himself in favor of an official condemnation of the use of torture during the war. This pattern continued until independence in 1962. It would have been possible for the political or military authority to put an end to it at any moment. Meynier further argues that the best number to capture the harkis deaths is 30,000. 2001. The brutal 1954-1962 Algerian War of Independence saw atrocities committed on both sides with Algerian historians putting the death toll at 1.5 million Algerian victims while French … Torture was also evoked during the trial of ALN activist Djamila Boupacha, defended by lawyer Gisèle Halimi. "Besides all above, France killed 45,000 Algerians," he added. It remained however, on both banks, a practice tolerated by the authorities and a form of violence to which Algerians knew they could be subjected. ... all atrocities equally atrocious.” I personally believe that the laws of war enable us to ravage the country and that we must do so either by destroying the crops at harvest time or any time by making fast forays also known as raids the aim of which it to get hold of men or flocks. "liberal" in French usually refers to economic liberalism]) personally told me that he never received such strict instructions against torture as that which he had had from Mitterrand. [3] Henri Alleg's 1958 book, La Question, Boris Vian's The Deserter, and Jean-Luc Godard's 1960 film Le Petit Soldat (released in 1963) are famous examples of such censorship. [7], The 2004 Court of Cassation judgment condemning Aussaresses stated that "freedom to inform, which is the basis of freedom of expression" does not lead to "accompany the exposure of facts ... with commentaries justifying acts contrary to human dignity and universally reproved nor to glorify its author."[8]. There are both French and U.S. pathways that explain the spread of torture, including methods used in Algeria, to Latin American regimes allied with the West from the 1960s onwards. French Gen. Paul Aussaresses, whose remorseless admission of executions and torture during the Algerian independence war five decades ago forced France … The French Army's war in Algeria has always aroused passions. [6] Although Aussaresses claimed that torture was an efficient way to fight against what he saw as FLN terrorism, recent historical research[7] demonstrates that, contrary to the popular "ticking time bomb scenario", torture was not used for short-term intelligence purposes. (n.d.). [57][58][59][60][61][62][63] [ii] Calcada 53. In 1954 the National Liberation Front (FLN) began a guerrilla war against France and … The FLN engaged in the use of torture against pro-French and uncommitted members of the Algerian population in retaliation fo… This attempt at pacification by employing both targeted raids as well as mass punishment characterized the French strategy throughout the conflict. [dead link][23], Benoist Rey's book Les égorgeurs was also censored in April 1961. New York: Oxford University Press. GUERRE D'ALGÉRIE : le général Bigeard et la pratique de la torture, Torture Bigeard: " La presse en parle trop ", La torture pendant la guerre d’Algérie / 1954 – 1962 40 ans après, l’exigence de vérité, GUERRE D'ALGÉRIE : Mgr Joseph Doré et Marc Lienhard réagissent aux déclarations du général Bigeard justifiant la pratique de la torture par l'armée française, Le chef du FN oppose un « démenti formel » aux accusations de torture, Le Pen et la torture, l'enquete du "Monde" validée par le tribunal, L'affaire du poignard du lieutenant Le Pen en Algérie, "J'ai croisé Le Pen à la villa Sésini" (I crossed Le Pen in the Sesini Villa), "Quand Le Pen travaillait 20 heures par jour", "Le Pen attaque un élu du PCF en justice", Jean Dufour: "Le Pen vient d'être débouté", "Torture: Le Pen perd son procès en diffamation contre Le Monde", La Escuela Francesa, escuadrones de la muerte, H. R. 611: To close the United States Army School of the Americas, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Torture_during_the_Algerian_War_of_Independence&oldid=983453439, Articles with French-language sources (fr), Articles with dead external links from September 2013, Articles with dead external links from June 2016, Articles with dead external links from September 2017, Articles with permanently dead external links, Articles with Spanish-language sources (es), Articles with unsourced statements from March 2007, Articles with unsourced statements from September 2013, Articles with unsourced statements from April 2009, Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License, It is striking to observe that these tortures, more than the "scientific" technologies applied during the Battle of Algiers, seem to apply in most cases to beatings (, ...any symmetry with the 1957 Battle of Algiers would however be absurd; it was all of the 10th D.P. In general, the area was tension-filled, with frequent clashes between the French and the Algerian people. The military relied primarily on neighborhood raids, arrests, and torture, focusing its sweeps in the Casbah slum, an opposition stronghold. L’IGCI/CICDA pendant la guerre d'Algérie" in Laurent Feller (dir. We must point out that some of them were very young teenagers and others old men of 75, 80 years or more. far-right weekly newspapers, La Nation française, Rivarol, Carrefour have started to publish articles on crimes committed against supporters of French Algeria. "[19], Early in the war, the FLN was progressively assuming control in Algeria through targeted acts of terrorism against French nationals and Algerians supporting the French. Disclaimer | They also proceed from a ruthless logic. The repression of these riots officially caused 1,500 deaths, but N. Bancel, P. Blanchard, and S. Lemaire estimate it to be rather between 6,000 and 8,000 deaths[14][15], Three years before the 1954 Toussaint Rouge insurrection, Claude Bourdet, a former Resistant wrote an article published on 6 December 1951 in L'Observateur, which was titled "Is there a Gestapo in Algeria?" "[12] However, Le Cour Grandmaison's work has been criticized by Gilbert Meynier and Pierre Vidal-Naquet in an article published in Esprit. This having been said, there is no need to dissimulate against the truth; such facts are scandalous and intolerable. [51], Bigeard's justification of torture has been criticized by various persons, among whom Joseph Doré, archbishop of Strasbourg, and Marc Lienhard, president of the Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession of Alsace and Lorraine. The first amnesty was passed in 1962 by President Charles de Gaulle, by decree, preempting a parliamentary discussion that might have denied immunity to men like General Paul Aussaresses. As he pointed out, France's war crimes don't end there. Many massacres were committed during the Algerian Civil War that began in 1991. [24], In 1958 General Salan set up special military internment centers for PAM rebels. This paper will show that the French government’s weak commitment to maintaining the rule of law and her tradition of civil liberties cost her public support when the war began to impose on Metropolitan France. The Algerian civil war in the 1990s appears as a separate case in this study. General Jacques Massu, had defended the use of torture in his 1972 book, The True Battle of Algiers (La vraie bataille d'Alger). À partir du moment où on mène une guerre coloniale, c’est-à-dire une guerre pour soumettre un peuple à sa volonté, on peut édicter toutes les lois que l'on veut, il y aura toujours des dépassements." The French Army's war in Algeria has always aroused passions. Elements of both sides in the Algerian War of Independence—the French Armed Forces and the opposing Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN)—used deliberate torture during that conflict (1954–1962), creating an ongoing public controversy. Introduction | Atrocities | Fatalities | Ending | Coding | Works Cited | Notes. Despite France's difficulties in looking at its past, which is made evident by the obstacles it continues to put before the historical research, and the way the Algerian War is taught (or not) in French high-schools,[3] the fact that torture had not only been massively employed, but also ordered by the French government, was confirmed by General Paul Aussaresses in 2001. France and the Algerian War, 1954-1962: Strategy, Operations and Diplomacy: Amazon.it: Alexander, Martin S., Keiger, J.F.V. French patriots point to the loss of their own soldiers and settler militias – some 28,000 dead, 75,000 injured and thousands more missing. In 1841, the liberal thinker and deputy Alexis de Tocqueville could declare: War in Africa is a science. In general, in January 1945, France exterminated 45,000 Algerians," he said. It's both true and false to say that Algeria is to France as Vietnam is to the United States. True, because the Algerian independence conflict from 1954 to 1962 embroiled France in a colonial war that cost tens of thousands of French lives (not to mention the huge cost in Algerian lives), triggered violent protests, and brought about a change of leadership in the home country. To the contrary, General Bigeard (then Colonel) called her remarks a "tissue of lies", while Aussaresses justified it[26], General Paul Aussaresses admitted in his 2001 book, "Services spéciaux, Algérie 1955–1957", to the systematic use of torture during the war. Evans, Martin. France officially acknowledged for the first time that it carried out systematic torture during Algeria’s independence war in 2018– a landmark admission about conduct in the conflict which ended 56 years ago and that has been shrouded in secrecy and denials, ‘The Guardian’ had reported. The parties fought on this front too. (2012, 10 2). Branche, Raphaëlle. 2012. Whoever are the victims, these torturers speak and act in our name; we do not have the right to allow, by our silence, the belief that we are their accomplices. French Counterinsurgency in Algeria: Forgotten Lessons from a Misunderstood Conflict. All these methods were documented as standard counter-insurgency tactics by Colonel Trinquier in Modern Warfare: A French View of Counterinsurgency (1961), a reference in the areas of "counter-revolutionary war" and of psychological warfare. Paul Aussaresses was condemned for "apologism for war crimes" because he had justified the use of torture, claiming it had helped to save lives. 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